Relationships between late night drinks marketing and alcohol related disorder

Key findings

The observational research found that there was great variance in disorder risk between premises. Premises also varied in terms of the nature and extent of aggressive incidents witnessed during observations, including those with no such incidents, those with a higher frequency of, mainly trivial, incidents and those where incidents were less frequent but appeared to have more serious consequences when they did occur.

• These differences in disorder risk appeared to be related to differing clientele and patrons’ behaviours, which were in turn related to the entertainments on offer (i.e. because of music policy rather than any drinks marketing).
• The frequency and severity of aggressive incidents (mainly fights) witnessed was greater than that witnessed in the previous Glasgow (pub sector) research, though in common with the findings of that study, many incidents, including some of the most serious, involved female aggressors.
• Although within the nightclub sample, the frequency of these aggressive incidents appeared to be greater within premises characterised by younger more intoxicated patrons, in comparison to the previous early night-time, pub-sector research, overall levels of drunkenness did not vary significantly. This would suggest that it is features inherent to nightclubs (e.g. dancing behaviour), rather than alcohol sales, that are responsible for the greater levels of violence witnessed within late-night premises.
• Although there was little evidence of any overtly irresponsible alcohol promotion techniques being used (in the observed nightclubs at weekends), drunkenness was the norm, with consumption patterns varying according to clientele.
  The interviews with nightclub patrons corroborated the above observations and helped to provide explanations for the alcohol-related disorder and aggressive incidents witnessed:
• Patron interviews revealed very heterogeneous patterns of alcohol consumption associated with nightclub attendance, including non-consumption (of alcohol), moderated consumption, heavier/prolonged sessions and regular patterns, including ‘pre-loading’ (both in pubs and from the off-trade) and also, less commonly, at ‘after parties’.
• There was much evidence that patrons consumed alcohol before entering nightclubs, indeed many would not arrive at one sober. Reasons for this included, to get in the mood (e.g. while getting ready), to socialise or ‘catch up’ with friends in an environment more conducive to conversation and most worryingly to save money by ‘pre-loading’ from cheaper pub or off-trade outlets.
• Both observations and interviews implied three broad types of reasons for nightclub attendance; 1) for music, dancing and entertainment, 2) to meet new people, especially ‘pulling’ sexual partners and 3) to continue the ‘fun’ of a social/special occasion with pre-existing like-minded friends, regardless of whether or not nightclub attendance was planned.
• These three reasons, concerning why people went clubbing (music, ‘pulling’ or ‘fun’), could be reflected in both patterns of alcohol consumption and disorder risk, for example violent conflicts arising from disputes over ‘sexual jealousy’ at ‘pulling’ venues.

The study coincided with a time of considerable policy change within Glasgow’s night-time economy. These changes are likely to have implications for other parts of the UK in the near future, including:

a) A Glasgow bye-law introduced immediately prior to the commencement of this research which banned (most) glassware from the city’s entertainment venues.

• Some of the violent incidents witnessed during fieldwork bore out the advantage of plastic over (any) glassware in preventing serious injury.
• Patrons were positive about the introduction of plastic vessels into the nightclub drinking environment. They had quickly become used to this change and actually felt less safe when clubbing in other cities where glass was still in use.

b) The ban on smoking in public places across Scotland which was introduced at the midpoint of the observational phase of this research.

• This was observed, causing some door management difficulties for the night-club sector, particularly in tying-up the time of some security staff, especially female security staff to monitor and search patrons exiting and re-entering premises to smoke outside.
• Patrons were in favour of the changes that the smoking ban had brought about, even smokers who were very positive about the emergent outdoor smoking or ‘smirting’ scene.

Finally, the study also examined patterns of disorder on the street when the nightclubs closed.

• The city centre streets appeared to be less disorderly at nightclub closing time (3.00 AM) than what was noted during the previous ‘pub study’ (closing time at midnight). This contrasts sharply with the observed differences within both types of premises.
• Patrons agreed that things were ‘quieter’ when the nightclubs came out, compared to the pubs, though many still experienced fear of crime at this time, with a need for safer late-night transport being stressed.